HOW CHILDREN LEARN
Children
differ from adult learners in many ways, but there are also surprising
commonalities across learners of all ages.
In this chapter we provide some insights into children as learners. A study of young children fulfills two
purposes: it illustrates the strengths
and weaknesses of the learners who populate the nation’s schools, and it offers
a window into the development of learning that cannot be seen if one considers
only well-established learning patterns and expertise. In studying the development of children, an
observer gets a dynamic picture of learning unfolding over time.
A fresh
understanding of infant cognition and of how young children from 2 to 5 years
old build on that early start also sheds new light on how to ease their transition
into formal school settings.
INFANTS’ CAPABILITIES
Theories
It
was once commonly thought that infants lack the ability to form complex ideas. For much of this century, most psychologists
accepted the traditional thesis that a newborn’s mind is a blank slate (tabula
rasa) on which the record of experience is gradually impressed. It was further thought that language is an
obvious prerequisite for abstract thought and that, in its absence, a baby
could not have knowledge. Since babies
are born with a limited repertoire of behaviors and spend most of their early
months asleep, they certainly appear passive and unknowing. Until recently, there was no obvious way for
them to demonstrate otherwise.
But
challenges to this view arose. It became
clear that with carefully designed methods, one could find ways to pose rather
complex questions about what infants and young children know and can do. Armed with new methodologies, psychologists
began to accumulate a substantial body of data about the remarkable abilities
that young children possess that stands in stark contrast to the older emphases
on what they lacked. It is now known
that very young children are competent, active agents of their own conceptual
development. In short, the mind of the
young child has come to life (Bruner, 1972, 1981a, b; Carey and Gelman, 1991;
Gardner, 1991; Gelman and Brown, 1986; Wellman and Gelman, 1992).
A
major move away from the tabula rasa view of the infant mind was taken
by the Swiss psychologist Jean Piaget.
Beginning in the 1920s, Piaget argued that the young human mind can best
be described in terms of complex cognitive structures. From close observations of infants and
careful questioning of children, he concluded that cognitive development
proceeds through
certain
stages, each involving radically different cognitive schemes.
While
Piaget observed that infants actually seek environmental stimulation that
promotes their intellectual development, he thought that their initial representations
of objects, space, time, causality, and self are constructed only gradually
during the first 2 years. He concluded
that the world of young infants is an egocentric fusion of the internal and
external worlds and that the development of an accurate representation of
physical reality depends on the gradual coordination of schemes of looking,
listening, and touching.
After
Piaget, others studied how newborns begin to integrate sight and sound and
explore their perceptual worlds. For
perceptual learning theorists, learning was considered to proceed rapidly due
to the initial availability of exploration patterns that infants use to obtain
information about the objects and events of their perceptual worlds (Gibson,
1969). As information processing
theories began to emerge, the metaphor of mind as computer, information processor,
and problem solver came into wide usage (Newell et al., 1958) and was quickly
applied to the study of cognitive development.
Although
these theories differed in important ways, they shared an emphasis on considering
children as active learners who are able to set goals, plan, and revise.
Children are seen as learners who assemble and organize material.
As such, cognitive development involves the
acquisition of organized knowledge structures including, for example,
biological concepts, early number sense, and early understanding of basic
physics. In addition, cognitive development
involves the gradual acquisition of strategies for remembering, understanding,
and solving problems.
The
active role of learners was also emphasized by Vygotsky (1978), who pointed to
other supports for learning. Vygotsky
was deeply interested in the role of the social environment, included tools and
cultural objects, as well as people, as agents in developing thinking. Perhaps the most powerful idea from Vygotsky to
influence developmental psychology was that of a zone of proximal
development (Vygotsky, 1978), described below. It refers to a bandwidth of competence (Brown
and Reeve, 1987) that learners can navigate with aid from a supportive context,
including the assistance of others. (For
modern treatments of this concept, see Newman et al., 1989;
Zone of Proximal Development
The
zone of proximal development is the distance between the actual developmental level
as determined by independent problem solving and the level of potential development
as determined through problem solving under adult guidance, or in collaboration
with more capable peers (Vygotsky, 1978:86).
What children can do with the assistance of others is even more
indicative of their mental development than what they can do alone (Vygotsky, 1978:85).
The
zone of proximal development embodies a concept of readiness to learn that
emphasizes upper levels of competence.
These upper boundaries are not immutable, however, but constantly
changing with the learner’s increasing independent competence.
What
a child can perform today with assistance she will be able to perform tomorrow
independently, thus preparing her for entry into a new and more demanding collaboration. These functions could be called the “buds,”
rather than the fruits of development.
The actual developmental level characterizes mental development
retrospectively, while the zone of proximal development characterizes mental
development prospectively (Vygotsky, 1978:8687).
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